Barbara Pance /Editor  

Director-General of the Police Senad Jušić, whom the Administrative Court has proven was appointed to the head of an institution that should be a bastion of independence, rights protection, and respect for freedoms through an unlawful decision by the Civil Service Council, remains in charge despite the government's denial of the judiciary's authority. This body not only ensures physical security but also serves as a foundation for trust in the rule of law and public institutions. "The decision of the special selection committee, which the Administrative Court found unlawful, is the original act that then tainted the subsequent decisions – the selection and the actual appointment by the government," highlighted Rajko Pirnat, Head of the Department of Administrative Law, during a television interview. A government decision regarding Jušić's appointment cannot be lawful if it is based on an unlawful decision!

The politicians have thus succeeded in transforming the police into a political tool. And this from politicians who rose like a phoenix from trampled democratic values, as they accused the previous government led by Janez Janša, while praising their agenda of "Freedom" through professional staffing choices and breaking harmful practices of the past. When Jušić, the chosen candidate of Interior Minister Boštjan Poklukar, was appointed, doubts about his formal qualifications for the position of the country’s top policeman had already surfaced in the media. Reports also pointed to his allegedly problematic past within the police force. Despite the list of all his leadership positions, the Civil Service Council, as we recall, took a long time to make a decision before finally approving his appointment as Director-General. According to our information, Jušić had accumulated less than a year of experience in a leading position, which he gained while substituting for a superior. Substitution, however, cannot be equated with a leadership position, and less than a year of "quasi" experience falls far short of the expected eight years in a leadership role.

The bureaucratic gymnastics now performed by the ministry and government to retain their man, despite his being tainted, is almost laughable.

Leadership positions within the police include station commanders, heads of police directorates, the Director-General, and internal unit leaders, who also receive a position allowance. This allowance is formally not granted to assistants but only provided when they act as substitutes for a leader. The Public Sector Salary System Act states that the position allowance is part of the salary allocated to public employees who perform managerial duties. However, the government and the Civil Service Council’s recognition of Jušić's assistant role as equivalent to a leadership position raises a new legal dilemma, potentially triggering a snowball effect in public administration. If the government interprets assistant roles as leadership positions, it has essentially shot itself in the foot. It has barely resolved the public sector salary issue, and now it risks opening a new front. This interpretation could allow all assistants – not just police station deputies but all public sector assistants – to retroactively claim their position allowance for the past five years.

The government previously blocked similar attempts to reward assistants with position allowances, particularly at the Ministry of Interior. But in Jušić's case, where the top position is occupied by someone without leadership experience, the narrative changes.

Despite the Administrative Court’s ruling becoming final on November 25, the government and minister maintain the status quo, knowingly supporting an unlawfully appointed leader of the police. This raises questions about the credibility of Prime Minister Robert Golob’s government and the integrity of Minister Poklukar. Maintaining the status quo opens the door to corruption, cronyism, and political opportunism.

On one hand, we have an opposition leader who defies the courts, supported by mobs undermining the reputation of state institutions with calls for aggression and criminal acts. On the other hand, we have a government that built its electoral ambitions on anti-Janša rhetoric, emphasizing respect for the rule of law and human rights. It wasn’t long ago that the Left accused Janša’s government of activating a law to restrict movement near certain sites, using tear gas and water cannons against protesters.

And today? Director-General Boštjan Lindav was dismissed for not purging Janša supporters from the police force. The government does not respect court rulings on the unlawful appointment of Jušić. Why? Because he is "one of theirs"?

The government coalition quietly murmured about re-opening the call for Director-General and called for appropriate action from the interior minister. The opposition, however, filed a motion of no-confidence against the minister due to the failure to address irregularities in Jušić’s appointment. Yet coalition partners appear hesitant, proposing to wait for the Civil Service Council's report before making further decisions.

Political hygiene in the country is at rock bottom, and the stain has spread to the police. Slovenia, known as a safe country and a leader in global safety rankings, owes this reputation not to government efforts but to the dedicated work of police officers. Jušić, however, has failed to address key issues, including increasing violence, corruption in investigations, and inefficiencies within the force. His lack of leadership is driving the police force toward collapse.

(translated by chatgpt, Original tekst was published in Slovene Language)